Friday, December 9, 2011

Asian History is Incomplete without The Paan!



The paan leaves are generally chewed either by itself or in combination with slaked lime, betel nuts (areca variety) and other spices like aniseed and sometimes tobacco etc.

Preparation of paan is an art and the secret technique is passed down from generation to generation. Chewing the leaves and nuts promotes red colored stimulating salivation. This has been in practice for thousands of years. It was a craze among aristocrats.

There are several ways a paan can be folded. This is a special branch of the paan culture. Asian history is incomplete without the paan.

Paan is an antiseptic that freshens the breath and is also an ayurvedic aphrodisiac medicine. Myriad are the uses of paan. It cures headaches, joint pain and arthritis as well as toothaches. In some places it serves the purpose of an antibiotic and a digestive medicine. It cures constipation, congestion and helps in lactation. It even helps in ridding the body of worms. Unani stream of medicine claims that paan is a sweet smelling stimulant that prevents flatulency. It stops bleeding. Applying heated paan as a foment, especially in the case of children cures stomach troubles. Drinking betel leaves boiled with black pepper can cure indigestion.

Reference to the use of betel leaf goes back more than two thousand years, in an ancient Pli book of Srilanka, ‘Mahawamsa’. In the Vedas too there is reference to paan being the first offering to the guru. Paan is found in Shrimad Bhagavat as Lord Krishna used to chew. This evidence is of 5000 years ago. In the Shrimad Bulath Pdhaya is a special dance mentioned in the Kohomba Kankariya of Srilanka. Here the sacred and practical are entwined in poetic beauty excellence. 

The Tradition of eating paan was popularized by Noor Jehan, the mother of Emperor Shah Jehan.Empress Noor Jehan discovered that by adding some ingredients to paan and eating it gives a natural red colour to the lips, catechu (Kattha) and quick lime (chuuna).


Thursday, March 31, 2011

The Veil as Ghunghat & Purdah - a Hindu & Muslim dress


Ghoonghat or Ghunghat is a Hindi word which describes a type of veil or headscarf worn by Indian women to cover their head. The Sari grew in length with one end used to cover the bosom, the head and the face. This allowed women to work in the fields beside men or even ride a horse like men. Traditionally, in some parts of India, women are supposed to have a Ghoonghat in front of the family elders and men, except husbands and close family members. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghoonghat
Sushila Singh, a professor at Banaras Hindu University in Varanasi, India, explains the Urdu language terms of purdah as well as hijab:  “Hijab may be understood as the dignity of woman.  Purdah is practiced to protect the dignity of woman” (Singh NP).  Although the behavioral rules of purdah are complex and depend upon the particular context and region, purdah is generally a cultural practice that confines women within the four walls of their homes.  If they must leave the house, they are required to observe purdah by wearing ‘burqua’ – a dress that covers Islamic women from head to toe.  Muslims practice this particular form of purdah, while Hindu women do not

In fact, purdah originated in the culture of Islam and is an alien phenomenon to Hindu women (Singh NP).  Singh explains, “In the mythic past of Hindu culture, all women figures as exemplified by different goddess statues are bare-headed and their faces are never veiled” (Singh NP).  However, with the Muslim invasions came the purdah system for Hindu women to practice.  Although this system was established for the protection of Hindu women just as it protects Islamic women, this purdah took a different form.  “Veiling one’s face, or “ghoonghat,” came into practice” (Singh NP). 

Through the ritual of “ghoonghat,” Hindu and Islamic women are forced to communicate with “outsiders” from behind a screen.  According to Singh, “other than the husband and children, all are outsiders – including the other family members” (Singh NP).


Unlike Muslim and Christian traditions veil has very recent history in Hindu culture and society.  
According  to  the  German  scholar  Albrecht Weber Indian literature is one of the oldest literatures in the world but the Vedic or pre-Vedic period has no record of veil or “ghunghat” (the word used for veil in Hindi). The  veil  appears  for  the  first  time  in  16th  century  literature  written  in  Hindi language. Weber’s  observation  supports  my  argument  that  veil  in  Indian subcontinent was introduced only after Muslim invasions. 

A famous incidence in history  of  Rajasthan  can  be  seen  as  an  evidence  of  how  veil  started in  Indian subcontinent. In fourteenth century one of the Muslim invaders Alahuddin Khilji visits a Rajput King Rana Ratansen of Chittor Garha. The female quarter of the palace, though  distant,  was  just  opposite  the  quarter  where  the  sultan  was installed.  A  small lake  divided  his  abode  and  the  Rani’s  palace.  By  chance  he sees the Rani Padmini’s uncovered face in the lake water and falls in love with her.  He  plans  to  win  her  and  returns  back  to  attacks  Chittor Garh  to  steal  the queen but what he gets are the ashes of this beautiful queen who decides to die then to submit to his lust. As a consequence the women in Rajasthan started to cover their face to avoid attracting specifically the Muslim invaders.

Strong  evidence  in  favor  can  be  seen  by  the  absence  of  veil  among women  in  Southern  India  where  there is  no  insistence  on  head  cover  or  other such practices neither in public nor in private places. In contrast, in most northern states, the women are forced to cover their faces both in public and in privacy of their houses. 

Veil transforms as an imposed identity  specifically for the married woman. In most families she is not only  supposed to  cover her face but is also prohibited to talk  even to  her  son in law  (who is  normally of  her own  children’s age). With time women have learned to use the veil as an instrument to enhance their beauty and what has been the means of silencing them seems became the aspect of attraction. A woman in veil generates much more curiosity than the one with uncover face as it sexualizes her more.

The  absence  of  Veil  in  Sanskrit,  Prakrat  or  Apbhransh  literature  shows that  the  use  of  veil  in  India  is  neither  religious  nor  cultural.  In  contrast  to  the Classic  Sanskrit  Literature  the  sixteenth  century  Hindi  Literature is full of portrayals that shed light on the use of veil in medieval period in India. The period is known for two mainstream literatures. The one called the RitiKal (which comes close to the courtly poetry in English) offers images of veil in more sensual way and the other known as Bhaktikal that presents veil in a philosophic way.

Contrary  to  the  sexualizing  of  veil/  gunghat  by  Ritikalin poets  the Bhaktikalin poet uses it in philosophic way and the veil emerges as the requisite mediating  object  between the  physical  and  spiritual  worlds.

The famous Sufi poet Malik Mohammed Joyce in his epic Padmavat use it in a metaphoric way. Following the Sufi tradition he does not see veil as an instrument for enhancing female beauty but as a barrier between the soul (which is always feminine contrary to the Sanskrit tradition where it is masculine) and the God; the ignorance and the knowledge. In 15th and 16th century Hindi literature such use of veil was quite common among most poets of Bhakti Movement.

Another very well known Bhakti poet, Kabir Dasa, writes his poems in a form known in Indian poetics as “dohas”. He follows Jayce and in his very famous doha “Ghunghat ke pat khol re tohe piya milenge” uses the veil/ghunghat as a symbol of ignorance. In this famous doha Kabir asks one to uncover/the veil of ignorance and assures that by doing so he/ she will meet his dear.

Concluding the debate I feel that the imposition of veil on Hindu woman (specifically on the women of North India) comes as a defense mechanism against the Muslim invaders but the society ended up adopting this and even forcing the women to wear a veil even when there are no invaders. Christian woman, except the nuns, are free from imposition. Whereas the situation of Muslim women is becoming more problematic as on one hand it is the natural desire to be free from this imposed identity but on other hand it is the question of one’s cultural identity. In current politicized atmosphere it is hard to say how many Muslim women will openly admit that veil is a religious, cultural and social imposition. 

The political enforcement by some European countries has got severe reaction. More Muslim women are trying to defy the law and are appearing in public with their headgear. The specific identity of a nun in Christianity is her dress that covers her head and body but she never became the target of such polemic discussion.


The same law makers in European country who are fighting against the use of veil by Muslim woman never raised their voice or tried to strip of a nun of this specific identity. The veil has been used by the women of Muslim origin for centuries in such a way that it has become their only identity which I feel even they are scared to strip off.

It is the use of psychology of fear that helps in the religious imposition of veil and makes her see unveiling as an act of disrespect. It seems that by politicizing the veil on the pretext of democracy  and equa  rights the Western law  makers are trying to remove this fear but on the contrary they are depriving a woman of her right and her freedom. She should be given the freedom to decide and chose her dress. Sudha Swarnakar: http://www.abraec.org/coniec/pdf2/6.pdf

Monday, March 7, 2011

A Garment of Modesty from the Mughals to the Indo-Pak Sub-Continent Today


Shalwar Kameez traces its origins to the Mongols and was once considered a Muslim Dress. Shalwar Kameez is a traditional garment worn by the people of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh. It is worn by both men and women due to its modesty with Muslim values, comfort and freedom of movement. Differences exist between Men’s and Women’s Shalwaar Kameez.

The Shalwar Kameez has a very significant place in the History of the Textiles and traces its roots back to the invasion and subsequent rule of the Indian subcontinent by central Asians as far back as 400 CE.  Evidence of Persian influence on Textiles and Clothing in India can be traced to the Kushan dynasty (001 AD). Coinage and stone palettes found from the Indo-Scythian/Parthian period show Greek and Persian influences in clothing. The palettes depict people dressed in caps or head-bands, ruched long sleeved Tunics, calf-length Coats worn loose crossed-over from right to left and secured with leather or metal belt and baggy trousers.

The Timurids (Muslim Dynasty of Turko Mongols) who invaded the northern part of the subcontinent in the 12th century brought with them their traditional nomadic Attire with its Persian and Turk Mongol influences. The descendants of the Timurids established the Mughal Empire (derived from Mogulistan or Land of Mongols- AD 1526-AD 1857). 

The Mughal emperors are renowned for their impassioned interest in painting, architecture, jewellery making literature and poetry, textiles. Textiles flourished remarkably under the Mughals. Various techniques of weaving, crinkling, dying, patterning and embroidery were developed and encouraged. Interestingly, each emperor maintained his own contemporary style of dressing in court and otherwise.

Badshah Babar who laid the foundation for the empire came from the cooler climate of Samarkand, retained the costumes of his homeland. The most popular Garments in his period were a long Coat called Chafan and a sheep-skin Overcoat called Postin worn with Pajama-like trousers. His son, Humayun introduced Persian elements in the court costumes. A patron of arts and painting and passionately interested in astronomy, he is said to have sought the help of planetary movements in choosing what to wear. He also maintained a special treasure house in his palace to accommodate Textiles and Garments.

Humayun's successor Jalaluddin Akbar led the empire to its classic and most flourishing period in history. This Classic period saw the spread of the empire from the north to most areas of the Indian subcontinent. His reign encouraged a synthesis of Persian and Indian styles in everything from architecture to clothing. This led to the flowering of classical forms, styles and shapes that later became an integral part ofIndian Dress Design. Akbar took the initiative of introducing local textiles, which were best suited to the hot climate of the region. He commissioned workshops for carpet making, textile design and was devoted himself to making haberdashery which he considered a pleasant pastime!  He himself took interest in the fashioning of Court Dresses and introduced the Chakdar Jamah to his court, which is a cross over Tunic, with slits around the skirt and an asymmetrical hemline. The men dressed in a Tunic called Jamah and was worn with close fitting Pajama trousers called Izar and later known as Shalwar. Although it was in fashion in India since medieval times, Akbar restyled the garment and developed it into a formal gown by removing slits, rounding the hemline and increasing the fullness of the Skirt. The Tunic was tightened at the waist by a belt of fabric with tassels called Patka. The Jamah which was knee long in the beginning, reached up to the ankles (referred to as Sarbgati meaning that which covers the entire body) in the later Mughal days. The women's Dress of the empire consisted of close fitting trousers paired with a bodice (a variation of Jamah called Angharakha or Qameez) that came down to the end of the Shalwar and worn with a half-sleeved embroidered open Jacket with a delicate transparent Shawl (called Paramnarm meaning extremely soft) draped like a sari.

During subsequent reigns of Shah Jahan and Aurangazeb the royal garments became more decorated with heavy embellishments of floral designs. Motifs were outlined with gold thread coupled with ‘Pietra-dura’ effect of the precious stones. Block printing and the art of Kalamkari (meaning pen work) were rejuvenated with Persian influences of Persian flower motifs and designs by the 17th century.

The Mughal rule is considered a ‘golden age’ of textile crafts in the Sub-continent. By the seventeenth century, Jamah, Chogha(cape) and Anghrakha remained the height of fashion along with accessories for men such as the Atamsukh (a long, loose garment worn like an overcoat in winters), Turban (the style of tying the turban varied according to social status), Patka, Jutis (shoes) and Farji (kind of a coat) etc. The precursor of the current Cummerband was another popular piece of clothing (called Kamarbandh meaning waistband) worn as girdle or waistcoat by both men and women to enhance the bust-line. The court Garments of era were marked by intricate patterning of clothing and delicate handmade embellishments.

The form of dressing followed by Indian classical Kathak dancers is a near accurate portrayal of the styles of clothing in the Mughal period and shows vividly the influences in the fashion world in the Indian subcontinent today.

The present day Shalwar Kameez in its various styles is an adaptation of the clothing of Mughal era.

http://www.babaaj.com/store/pc/viewContent.asp?idpage=14

Saturday, January 22, 2011

The "Princely" Nawabs of Bahawalpur of 17-Gun Salute!


The rulers of Bahawalpur were Abbasids who came from Shikarpur and Sukkur and captured the areas that became Bahawalpur State. They took the title of Amir until 1740, when the title changed to Nawab Amir. 
Muslim rulers almost all used the title "Nawab" (the Arabic honorific of naib, "deputy," used of the Mughal governors, who became de facto autonomous with the decline of the Mughal Empire), with the prominent exceptions of the Nizam of Hyderabad & Berar, the Wali/Khan of Kalat and the Wali of Swat.
Other less usual titles included Darbar Sahib, Dewan, Jam, Mehtar (unique to Chitral) and Mir (from Emir).
More prestigious Hindu rulers (mostly existing before the Mughal Empire, or having split from such old states) often used the title "Raja," or a variant such as "Rana," "Rao," "Rawat" or Rawal. Also in this 'class' were several Thakur Sahibs and a few particular titles, such as Sar Desai.
The most prestigious Hindu rulers usually had the prefix "maha" ("great", compare for example Grand duke) in their titles, as in Maharaja, Maharana, Maharao, etc.

A Princely State (also called Native State or Indian State) was a nominally sovereign entity of British rule of India that was not directly administered by the British, but rather by an Indian ruler under a form of indirect rule such as suzerainty or paramountcy.

At the time of Indian independence, only five rulers—the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Maharaja of Mysore, the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir State, the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda and the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior—were entitled to a 21-gun salute.

Five more rulers—the Nawab of Bhopal, the Maharaja Holkar of Indore, the Maharana of Udaipur,  the Maharaja of Kolhapur and the Maharaja of Travancore—were entitled to 19-gun salutes.

The most senior princely ruler was the Nizam of Hyderabad, who was entitled to the unique style Exalted Highness.

Other princely rulers entitled to salutes of 11 guns (soon 9 guns too) or more were entitled to the style Highness. No special style was used by rulers entitled to lesser gun salutes.

As paramount ruler, and successor to the Mughals, the British King Emperor of India, for whom the style of Majesty was reserved, was entitled to an 'imperial' 101-gun salute—in the European tradition also the number of guns fired to announce the birth of a (male) heir to the throne.

All princely rulers were eligible to be appointed to certain British orders of chivalry associated with India, The Most Exalted Star of the Order of India and The Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire. Even women could be appointed as "Knights" (instead of Dames) of these orders. 

The Royal House of Bahawalpur is said to be of Arabic origin and claims descent from Abbas, progenitor of the Abbasid Caliphs of Baghdad and Cairo. Sultan Ahmed II, son of Shah Muzammil of Egypt, left his country and arrived in Sindh with a large following of Arabs in 1370.

He married a daughter of Raja Rai Dhorang Sata, receiving a third of the country as a dowry. Amir Fath'ullah Khan Abbassi is the recognized ancestor of the dynasty. He conquered the Bhangar territory from Raja Dallu, of Alor and Bahmanabad, renaming it Qahir Bela. Amir Muhammad Chani Khan Abbasi entered the imperial service and gained appointment as a Panchhazari in 1583. At his death, the leadership of the tribe was contested between two branches of the family, the Daudputras and the Kalhoras. Amir Bahadur Khan Abbasi abandoned Tarai and settled near Bhakkar, founding the town of Shikarpur in 1690. Daud Khan, the first of his family to rule Bahawalpur, originated from Sind, where he had opposed the Afghan Governor of that province and was forced to flee.


The princely state of Bahawalpur was founded in 1802 by Nawab Mohammad Bahawal Khan II after the breakup of the Durrani Empire. The city claimed to be one of the largest states of British India more than 451 kilometres long. Nawab Mohammad Bahawal Khan III signed a treaty with the British on 22 February 1833, guaranteeing the independence of the Nawab. 
During the first Afghan war, the Nawab Muhammad Bahawal Khan III assisted the British with supplies and allowing passage and in 1847-8 he co-operated actively with Sir Herbert Edwardes in the expedition against Multan. For these services he was rewarded by the grant of the districts of Sabzalkot and Bhung, together with a life-pension of a lakh. On his death a dispute arose regarding succession. He was succeeded by his third son, whom he had nominated in place of his eldest son. The new ruler was, however, deposed by his elder brother, and obtained asylum in British territory, with a pension from the Bahawalpur revenues; he broke his promise to abandon his claims, and was confined in the Lahore fort, where he died in 1862.
In 1863 and 1866 insurrections broke out against the Nawab and was succeeded by his son, Nawab Sadiq Muhammad Khan IV, a boy of four. In 1879, the Nawab was invested with full powers, with the advice and assistance of a council of six members. During the Afghan campaigns (1878–80) the Nawab placed the entire resources of his State at the disposal of the British Indian Government, and a contingent of his troops was employed in keeping open communications, and in guarding the Dera Ghazi Khan frontier. On his death in 1899 he was succeeded by Muhammad Bahawal Khan V, who attained his majority in 1900, and was invested with full powers in 1903. Although the title was abolished in 1955 by the Government of Pakistan, the current head of the House of Bahawalpur (Salahuddin Muhammad Khan) is referred to as the Amir.

"The Foundation Stone of Sadiq Public School Bahawalpur was laid by the late Ala Hazrat Nawab Sadiq Mohammad Khan Abbasi -V, on March 04, 1953. The School was intended to produce young men with high moral principles, who should be self-reliant and self- confident, with qualities of initiative, sense of responsibility, selfless devotion to duty, religious outlook and burning desire to serve the cause of Islam and the country. This great project was taken up under the advice and guidance of Makhdumzada Syed Hasan Mahmud, the Chief Minister of Bahawaipur State and was executed with the blessings of the Ala Hazrat. The School started functioning on January 18, 1954 when the Ala Hazrat performed its opening ceremony."

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